New Caledonia’s pro-independence movement struggling to maintain united front

As two of the four pillars of New Caledonia's pro-independence movement have now announced their intention to distance themselves from the FLNKS umbrella, the struggle to keep a united front continues, six months after riots erupted in the French Pacific archipelago.

There's been a flurry of news conferences, one after the other, from several pro-independence parties, all clarifying their respective stance and rapport to the FLNKS (Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front) that is supposed to unify the whole movement.

Last Thursday, the first of these was the UPM (Progressist Union in Melanesia), one of the historic members of FLNKS.

It announced its official withdrawal from the pro-independence umbrella until further notice].

UPM leader Victor Tutugoro said the withdrawal was now official, following the party's Congress held at the weekend in the small town of Poum.

"We cannot return to the way FLNKS is working today," Tutugoro told local media.

The comments were in direct reference to the last pro-independence gathering under the FLNKS umbrella, held in late August in the small town of Koumac.

Both UPM and another moderate pro-independence FLNKS founding member, PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party) did not attend the meeting.

UPM and PALIKA have now both spoken

On Friday, the PALIKA, another FLNKS pillar, also regarded as moderate, held another media conference to announce a similar move.

Just like the UPM, PALIKA officially stated it has not seen fit to nominate any of its members to be part of FLNKS's political bureau.

In other words, it did not wish to be associated with the FLNKS's governance process, at least for the time being.

PALIKA's announcement followed its annual Congress, held last week in the small town of Kaala-Gomen.

Both PALIKA and UPM are regarded as moderate pro-independence parties supporting talks aimed at a pact of independence under some form of "partnership" with France.

In a position similar to that of UPM, PALIKA spokesman Charles Washetine told local media this was the expression of a wish to distance themselves from the new FLNKS, which is now dominated by Union Calédonienne (UC).

The two moderate pro-independence parties did not, however, go as far as completely severing their membership ties with FLNKS.

While deciding to no longer nominate members to FLNKS' political bureau, they said they reserved the right to take part (or not) in future FLNKS meetings, depending on the agenda and topic.

This was locally interpreted as a way of "leaving the door open" to a possible reunification at a later stage.

But at the same time, both PALIKA and UPM seem to wish to clearly voice their grievances towards what they consider FLNKS has now become.

"We have not nominated anybody to FLNKS's political bureau. We are considering that we are in withdrawal," Charles Washetine told public TV broadcaster NC la 1ère on Sunday evening.

Washetine said his party's main priority, for the time being, was to support New Caledonia's reconstruction and recovery plan, post-riots, and to participate in future talks regarding New Caledonia's political future, with the aim of arriving at a "comprehensive" agreement that would involve both the French State and local political parties (including the pro-France "loyalists").

There was also much to do on the notion of a New Caledonian "citizenship", Washetine said.

While acknowledging FLNKS' past role in New Caledonia's history and struggle for independence, Washetine told NC la 1ère: "What is happening today is that we see that the front (FLNKS), in its strategy... is drifting in a certain way towards methods that are condemnable.

"Today, it is populism that prevails. What we have seen is that FLNKS is longer credible."

Speaking about future channels of communication for the pro-independence parties, Washetine said "international relations are no longer the sole prerogative of FLNKS".

UC strikes back and warns

During a third media conference held at the weekend by a pro-independence entity, the UC-dominated FLNKS was also swift to intervene.

UC Secretary-General Dominique Fochi said FLNKS is not a tool but a "national liberation movement".

"And it is the FLNKS that is recognised. It is the official representative of the Kanak people, the colonised people. This means locally, at the Melanesian Spearhead Group level, at the United Nations level in New York, at the non-aligned movement."

He said the FLNKS was "unavoidable".

"This is the message we want to convey to New Caledonians, and... the French State."

Fochi also warned that "any attempt to push FLNKS aside will eventually fail".

The official also blamed France's attitude which, he said, "is trying to isolate FLNKS' political bureau".

Fochi alleged a request from the FLNKS to meet France's top parliamentarians last week remained unanswered.

He said this was also the case when a Troika-plus delegation of four Pacific Islands Forum Prime Ministers travelled to New Caledonia in October.

"So we take note of this, but FLNKS remains the only interlocutor bearing the voice of the colonised people and of the anti-colonial movement regarding (New Caledonia's) political future," he told journalists on Friday.

He said this was because "it is under the mandate of FLNKS that pro-independent representatives took part in the definition of the Matignon agreements in 1988 and the Nouméa Accord in 1998".

"And it is FLNKS that will give the mandate to political representatives to engage into negotiations for the future of our country and the Kanak people.

"FLNKS was here yesterday, it is here today and will remain until this country accedes to full sovereignty."

Aloisio Sako, President of the RDO (Rassemblement Démocratique Océanien, another FLNKS member party and UC ally), maintained during the same press conference that both UPM and PALIKA were still part of FLNKS.

Who is legitimate?

The fractures within New Caledonia's pro-independence front have also, for many months, raised the question of who is and who isn't a legitimate interlocutor when the time comes to talk politics.

And this could have an impact on the format of future political talks on New Caledonia's political future.

Within the anti-independence camp (which favours New Caledonia remaining part of the French republic), over the past few weeks, references to the once-unified FLNKS have gradually changed to a distinction between the "moderate" pro-independence parties and the "radicals" and their newly-affiliated components.

In the wake of the controversial pro-independence meeting in late August, pro-France parties unanimously reacted by saying that they no longer considered FLNKS as a "legitimate interlocutor" .

The FLNKS signed the autonomy Nouméa Accord in 1998 as a front representing the pro-independence movement, while the pro-France was at the time represented by the RPCR (Rassemblement pour la Calédonie dans la République) which is no longer in existence. The third signatory was the French State.

Signed at the time by then-French Prime minister Lionel Jospin and his Secretary of State of Overseas Jean-Jack Queyranne, it also bears the signature of such prominent pro-independence leaders as Roch Wamytan, Paul Néaoutyine, Victor Tutugoro and Charles Pidjot.

They all signed on behalf of and under the united flag of FLNKS.

The FLNKS was founded in 1984, at the height of a quasi civil war that marred the second half of the 1980s in New Caledonia.

Union Calédonienne (UC), another historic member of FLNKS and the RDO (Rassemblement Démocratique Océanien), were the main driving force behind the last FLNKS meeting in August 2024.

At the Koumac congress, it was resolved that several parties and unions, including a UC-created radical "CCAT" (Field Action Coordinating Cell) would join FLNKS and that the leader of CCAT Christian Téin (currently in jail in mainland France ahead of his trial), was now the President of FLNKS, a position that had remained vacant for over 20 years.

Since late 2023, after it was created by an increasingly radicalised UC, the CCAT has been tasked to organise protests and demonstrations which, originally peaceful, turned violent and led to the riots that started in New Caledonia mid-May.

Both UPM and PALIKA have cautiously and increasingly distanced themselves from the hard-line stance.

After the August meeting in Koumac, the two moderate parties have also stopped taking part in any UC-dominated FLNKS debates, saying they did not recognise themselves in the new structure and its leadership.

UPM leader Victor Tutugoro said on Thursday 14 November his party was now demanding a "clarification" from FLNKS regarding the "destructions, the lootings, the arson".

Pending this requested FLNKS "clarification", UPM said it will stay away from the new UC-dominated pro-independence FLNKS and especially meetings from its political bureau.

In late June, Tutugoro's house was targeted and destroyed by fire during rioting, following the eruption of violence that has caused 13 deaths, injuries to several hundred people and economic losses.

"The May 13 events have cast suspicion on our political project," Tutugoro said.

"What has happened is contrary to our values and everyone, in UC and in RDO, bears a responsibility," he added, naming some of these values as being democracy, diversity, and solidarity.

The UPM now intends to continue promoting an "independence in partnership with France" and the notion of "shared sovereignty".

It intends to do so as part of another pro-independence format, the local Congress caucus "UNI" (National Union for Independence) which also includes PALIKA.

Within the same Congress caucus format, the other main pro-independence group is the UC-FLNKS.

PALIKA and UPM have for years openly stated that while accessing full sovereignty remained a key element, they favoured a "shared sovereignty" with France, sometimes also termed "independence-association".

And that prior to this, they remained committed to taking part in any round table, PALIKA spokesman Jean-Pierre Djaïwé also said.

The date for the next provincial elections, initially scheduled to take place in May 2024, has been further postponed to December 2024, then once again to no later than 30 November 2025, following recent votes by the French Parliament and New Caledonia's Congress.

This was to allow more time for inclusive talks between local parties to restart and reach a comprehensive consensus regarding New Caledonia's future political status.

Whatever outcome of those talks would then serve as the basis for a new roadmap for the French Pacific archipelago.

As part of a "dialogue and concertation" mission, the Presidents of both French Houses of Parliament, Yaël Braun-Pivet (National Assembly, Lower House) and Gérard Larcher (Senate, Upper House) were in New Caledonia last week].

They repeatedly mentioned the concept of "shared sovereignty" regarding New Caledonia's future status.

The top French lawmakers are attempting to restore favourable conditions for the resumption of those talks, within a perceived reasonable window of opportunity ending in March 2025.

Crucial political talks for New Caledonia are expected to resume in the coming week, but it remains to be seen who, and on behalf of whom, sits at the table.